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The Return of the Khmer Rouge

The pain of Cambodia is as intense as ever. Food sent from foreign countries to the authorities in Phnom Penh has not been reaching hungry Cambodians. They are threatened by another famine this summer. Food sent across the border from Thailand has been reaching Cambodians. But it has also been reaching the Khmer Rouge, who are stronger than at any time since the Vietnamese invaded to crush them eighteen months ago. A political solution to the country’s plight seems more distant than ever.

The Cambodian relief operation is already one of the most expensive in history. By the end of this year the international organizations alone will have spent around $500 million over fifteen months, or $100 a head for the estimated five million Cambodians who have so far survived the last ten years. (The Bangladesh relief efforts, by contrast, cost about $22 a head over a three-year period.)

On May 26 fifty-nine Western and Asian countries held a humanitarian conference in Geneva on Cambodia; they pledged more money (not enough) to the relief effort. This commitment was made in a mood of anger and frustration with the Vietnamese and their government in Phnom Penh. The two governments had refused to attend the conference, although they will be the largest beneficiaries of the new aid pledged. There was, they said, nothing to discuss, and they denounced the meeting as an imperialist plot. Cambodia was represented at this “humanitarian” conference by the Khmer Rouge (“The Government of Democratic Kampuchea”), who still hold the country’s seat at the United Nations.

Most of the delegates made stirring speeches in defense of the Cambodian people and in criticism of Vietnam. At the back of the hall the Khmer Rouge delegation smiled and clapped effusively. It cannot be said that other delegates clustered around them; for the most part the Khmer Rouge representatives wandered around alone soliciting handshakes and smiling ingratiatingly. They invited me back to their mission. Their ambassador at large, Thioun Moeum, a highly intelligent graduate of the Ecole Polytechnique in Paris, spent almost three hours assuring me that although certain “errors” had been committed in the past, their rule would be much more restrained in the future. He was as bland as he was clever.

When I reminded him that to many people the regime he represented was on a par with Hitler’s, he merely smiled, shrugged, and promised that they now took account of Western concerns. Talking with him I found exhausting and very depressing. After I left he flew to Bangkok. From there Thai authorities took him to the Cambodian border and he returned to the jungle, to rejoin Pol Pot, Ieng Sary, and the thirty to forty thousand guerrillas they now have fighting the Vietnamese.

The relief operation has been underway since last fall. UNICEF and the International Red Cross (ICRC) have shipped food and other supplies to Phnom Penh and to Cambodia’s main seaport, Kompong Som. So have Oxfam and other groups. UNICEF and ICRC, together with voluntary agencies like CARE and World Relief, have also been pushing supplies across the Thai border.

It has, however, been impossible to monitor the distribution of supplies. At the Thai border large quantities of supplies have been stolen by corrupt officials and traders. More have been “diverted” to the Khmer Rouge. In Phnom Penh a disproportionate amount of the aid has been used to feed government workers, and far too little has been reaching ordinary peasants. As well as being one of the most expensive relief efforts, this is also one of the least well observed and audited.

The problem of food turns on numbers. At the beginning of 1980 the joint UNICEF-ICRC mission in Phnom Penh reckoned that, in order to provide a minimal ration of 400 grams a day, the West needed to send about 200,000 tons of food in 1980 to supplement the supplies available internally and those provided by the USSR and Vietnam.

This was too low an estimate. Last year’s harvest was poor, and 250,000 tons are needed. So far this year deliveries have fallen far short of the target. Now 35,000 tons must be delivered and distributed every month. This does not seem possible, and the result is that thousands will starve.

It is not just food that is required. In recent weeks, there has also been a desperate need for rice seed. The agencies have been engaged in a hectic, often incompetent, and very costly race against the seasons to try to get seed into the country in time for the annual planting. Cambodia’s main rice crop is planted each year in May and June as the monsoon floods the land. Before the war began in 1970 Cambodia’s seven million people planted about three million acres and produced enough rice for export. By the end of the war the agricultural system had been destroyed and the country was almost totally dependent upon US imports. The rice yields during the years of rule by the Khmer Rouge between 1975 and 1979 remain unknown. Although some effort was made to rebuild agriculture (often in grandiose, ineffective ways) little food was given to the people. Last year, in the confusion and fighting following the Vietnamese invasion, almost no planting was done. The yield was only about 10 percent of normal and it has now all been consumed.

The relief program launched last October was planned for only six months, and therefore inadequate attention was given to procuring seed for the 1980 season. Then the UN Food and Agriculture Organization decided to ship some 30,000 tons of seed into Cambodia by the end of April. This would have planted about a million acres and yielded about 200,000 tons of rice. At the same time the Vietnamese and Russians said they each would ship about 10,000 tons of seed.

Some Vietnamese seed has been arriving, although no one knows how much. But the FAO program ran into extraordinary delays, many of them because of gross mismanagement. By mid-March FAO had bought only 3,000 tons of seed. Along with Oxfam, it was negotiating for more in Thailand. But by then only about eight weeks remained for 30,000 tons to be found, bought, shipped, unloaded, and distributed to farmers.

It was clear that the ports of Kompong Som and Phnom Penh were too blocked up and inefficiently run to accommodate all of the seed finally ready for shipment. Under pressure from the US Embassy FAO bought seed that was intended to be carried across the Thai border into Cambodia along the unofficial land routes that the Vietnamese have tolerated since last autumn. At the same time an airlift from Bangkok to Phnom Penh was organized by the International Red Cross.

About 15,000 tons of seed have now been transported over the border by oxcart, bicycle, and foot; 5,000 more have been flown in. More could have come by air, but the Vietnamese refused to allow planes to fly direct from Bangkok. They had to circle out over the South China Sea and then back up the Mekong River, thus doubling the flight time. The cost of the airlift is staggering—about $600 per ton, as opposed to $400 per ton for seed shipped and $200 for seed pushed across the border. At the same time about 5,000 tons are thought by now to have reached Cambodia by sea. What is not clear, however, is how much of this seed has been distributed through the countryside and, just as important, how much food has been distributed along with the seed. Seed distributed to hungry peasants will be eaten not planted.

How much food has been arriving in Cambodia and what is happening to it? The airport in Phnom Penh can handle only 7,000 tons a month. Phnom Penh harbor used to handle 20,000 tons a month, but this has been cut back by the collapse of one of the wharves in March. The only encouraging development has been the arrival of a large and expert team of Russian stevedores at the seaport of Kompong Som. This should raise the unloading capacity of the port above the low tonnage of 22,000 tons a month estimated by a World Food Program survey last April.

More difficult to solve is distribution from the ports into the countryside. This is done almost entirely by rail and road, when it is done at all. The train from Kompong Som to Phnom Penh, according to a detailed UNICEF report of May 1, carries only about 6,000 tons a month. UNICEF also says that “significant” amounts are taken by train from Phnom Penh to Battambang. But “the railway is hampered by a lack of locomotive and rolling stock in good repair as well as of operating experience.”

There are, according to UNICEF, about 1,500 trucks in Cambodia at the moment (500 from ICRC-UNICEF, 90 from Oxfam, 670 from various countries including those in the Warsaw Pact, and 230 old trucks patched together). Their total load capacity is about 9,000 tons, but more important is what UNICEF calls their “movement capacity”—whether they are being properly used or not. They are not.

UNICEF is being diplomatic when it reports that the “use of the trucks is not efficient.” In fact, one senior UNICEF official told me that the trucks are carrying only about 15,000 tons of food a month.

This is a terrifying figure. It means that each truck is making an average of about one and a half journeys a month. The rest of the time trucks are standing idle, awaiting repair, stalled by broken bridges and along smashed roads (almost no attempt has been made to repair the road network). Others are being used by corrupt local officials for trade in black market goods from Thailand, or by truck drivers themselves for carrying paying passengers rather than relief supplies. The aid agencies in Phnom Penh have even heard stories that some trucks in some provinces have actually been sold to black marketeers.

Together, then, trucks and trains appear to have been carrying little more than 20,000 tons of supplies a month out of the ports and into the country in recent weeks. Yet UNICEF reckons that 35,000 tons of food alone are needed.

Considerable amounts of food are now being distributed to government workers. Currency was reintroduced in April, and they are now allowed to buy 20 kilos of food each a month. There are thought to be at least 250,000 government employees; this means that at least 5,000 tons of food are being reserved for them every month—a large proportion of all the food available for distribution.

Random checks in the countryside suggest that in many places villagers are receiving as little as two kilos a month. UNICEF’s report acknowledges that “the bulk of the relief food available” has been distributed in Phnom Penh and to government officials. “It appears little so far has been distributed to the ordinary consumer, especially in rural areas where stocks might have been presumed to be available.”

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