The New York Review of Books

To the Editors:

While the cogent analysis of Arthur Hertzberg on events in the Middle East [NYR, October 21] was a serious attempt to address subjects highlighted by the media in recent weeks, regrettably, some of his assumptions are faulty. This is especially true when Rabbi Hertzberg writes about “most American Jews, even in the established organizations, clearly preferred pursuing Reagan’s plan.” He compounds this error of fact when he states that Begin’s critics “include a probable majority of American Jews.”

It is true that The New York Times reported on its front page that “B’nai B’rith Praises President Reagan’s Plan,” but the headline was not consistent with the story, which indicated that this organization was only expressing a view that the proposal was “worthy” of being pursued. Another headline read, “Reagan’s Speech Has US Jews Reviewing Israeli Ties,” which conveyed the erroneous impression that the American Jewish community was about to turn its back on the Jewish state simply because Begin found Reagan’s proposals unacceptable.

The inaccuracy of Hertzberg’s conclusion is revealed by an exhaustive survey recently conducted by the Zionist Organization of America. Contrary to the impression that was created by the media, and probably enthusiastically encouraged by the Prime Minister’s political detractors in the United States, only one national Jewish organization even reacted to Begin’s “harsh” response to the Reagan plan. The overwhelming number of Jewish organizations that did respond, expressed appreciation to the President for his efforts while, at the same time, overwhelmingly rejected the proposal or indicated that they have serious reservations regarding most of it. How then did Hertzberg, the media, the Administration and others conclude that the Reagan plan had met with such wide approval in the Jewish community?

When I recently accompanied a small group of Jewish leaders who visited with Secretary of State Shultz, it was necessary to explain once again that the core problem of the Arab-Israeli dispute is the failure of the Arab nations to come to terms with the existence of the permanence of the Jewish State. This makes it difficult, if not impossible, to address properly the issue of the Palestinian-Arab people.

Neither Israel nor its friends can ignore the fact that Arab nations have attempted, by war and terrorism, to eliminate the State of Israel; only the military strength of Israel, as well as the resolve of its people and leaders, supported by the friendship of the people of the United States, have tempered the Arab ambition for the demise of the State of Israel. A sober and realistic assessment can only conclude that if the Arab nations had their way—yes, even at this point in time—there would be no state of Israel today. This is a fact that many in the world seem to forget or to ignore.

In his televised address to the nation, President Reagan, upon announcing his Middle East proposals, said that as a result of Lebanon, this was a time to “seize the moment.” He quoted the words of the Scriptures, “The time had come to follow after the things which make for peace.” The President “seized the moment” by holding secret talks with “moderate Arab friends.” He found that they did not join him in “seizing the moment.” And after citing the peace in Lebanon and the Scriptures, the President’s Secretary of State sent a signal to the newly established government in Lebanon that they need not be in any hurry to make peace with Israel.

The Administration has attempted to “put on a good face” by assuring the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that these are only the “opening positions of the Arabs,” as though the Arab-Israel conflict only began when this Administration took office. It is disquieting that when Mr. Shultz speaks to the Senators of the lack of response from the Arabs, he urges patience: yet, when the Administration speaks to the Israelis, there appears to be considerable impatience.

The President called for a “fresh start.” He spoke of his proposals as the “dawning of new hope,” and his Administration’s spokesman stated—”We didn’t go into this blindly—we did have an amber light from the Arabs.”

What happened to the “fresh start”? What was the reaction to this “dawning of new hope”? What happened to the “amber light”? Mr. Shultz told the Senators, “We should not think that there is a magic wand…we have to be ready for a long haul.” Isn’t that what the Israelis have been telling the Administration right along?

What are the results of the President’s proposals at this time?

1. America’s best friend in the Middle East, the State of Israel, feels compromised, because the Administration made proposals Israel believes are detrimental to its interests and they were made to the Arabs without Israel’s knowledge or consent.

2. The President’s supporters in the United States are concerned about Administration tactics as well as its Middle East policy.

3. The Jewish community is resentful of the extraordinary efforts made to divide it.

4. The Arabs, who President Reagan considers to be moderate, have responded with platitudes, but no action. Some naïve Administration advocates of the proposal even strongly hinted that the PLO was ready to hand over to Jordan the leadership role in representing the Palestinian Arabs. Arafat wasted little time to diffuse this short-sighted notion.

What has transpired is not good for America or the State of Israel. The Soviets are laughing, the Arabs are gloating, the PLO is celebrating, while the United States and Israel—two of the few remaining democracies left in the world—are engaged in bitter acrimony. It is clear that the road to peace is not the Fez Plan, as it was not the Fahd Plan, as it cannot be a United Nations plan, as it probably will not be the Reagan Plan. The road to peace can only be the road to Jerusalem.

President Reagan should be commended for his motivation and his genuine concern. But, in this instance, his good intentions are not matched by good decisions, and these decisions appear to be improperly influenced by those who have attempted, in previous years, to sway American support from Israel and towards the Arab States. To the credit of the President and his persuasive powers, he should feel comforted to know that his Republican Administration is supported on this vital foreign affairs issue by Zionists in the United States who are predominantly labor-oriented.

We cannot dismiss the reaction by certain other “friends of Israel” especially in the Jewish community, who are carried away by what appears to them as a reasonable proposal by the Reagan Administration, and an unreasonable reaction from the Prime Minister of the Jewish State.

Why were they so gullible, so anxious, so willing to believe the worst about Israel, without carefully considering that a proposal that has been presented to the Arabs in advance may not have been in Israel’s interests? And, if not in Israel’s interests, can we really accept the swiftly cultivated thesis that America’s position in the Middle East does not require support of its best ally and most dependable friend? Yet, we should expect better from those who have followed the history of American-Israel relations, and who are cognizant of long-standing State Department policy for the past thirty-four years, and before. They were well aware of the tactics used to undermine the Jewish community’s unified support for Israel through these years. I would have hoped that rational thinking would have prevailed, and that they would not have reacted so quickly and, perhaps, even irresponsibly.

Following the sad experience with the media during the Lebanese conflict, we would have hoped that all of us would have been wiser, and yet it appears that once again, many fell into the trap of believing media concoctions, rather than relying on our own good judgment. The need for responsible and astute leadership in Israel, as well as in the American Jewish community, is clearly underscored by a recent article in The Washington Post which was headlined—”The Next Step In Isolating The Begin Government—What America Can Do To Tighten The Screws.” Thus, the tragic events in Beirut, with all its sorry and deep feelings of anguish all of us experienced, appears to be manipulated into a state of almost hysterical emotionalism that may sweep all good judgment before it, and have its effect on judgments regarding American Middle East policy in general.

In the meanwhile, what happened to those who ordinarily point with pride to the American judicial system—where the accused is not judged guilty until the evidence is presented, and the proper authorities arrive at conclusions? Is it not ironical, that these same advocates of justice and democracy, seem to be all too willing to serve as accuser, prosecutor, and judge. Moreover, without conclusive evidence, they raise charges of morality against the leaders of Israel as though they have been appointed the guardians of all of our moral standards.

Some American Jews, like Professor Irving Howe, publicly cry out that they are no longer able to be silent, even though admitting that criticism of Israel and its leaders can be misused by enemies of Israel. He acknowledges that he probably will make mistakes, but evidently, he is willing to place Israel in jeopardy so that he can exercise the privilege of dissent in the safety of his intellectual retreat. Regrettably, Rabbi Hertzberg appears to be among these camp-followers.

I prefer the position taken by Norman Podhoretz, for I agree with him that criticism of Israel can be considered anti-Semitic, even when it is mouthed by Jews, or, for that matter, Israelis. Some might believe that being Jewish or possessing Israeli citizenship guarantees immunity from anti-Semitic ideas, but it is not borne out by experience. Like all other human beings, Jews are influenced by the propaganda directed at all people around them, and like all other minority groups, Jews come to see themselves through the eyes of an unsympathetic hostile majority. While Jews are a majority in Israel, the Jewish State itself is isolated among the nations, and subjected to a constant barrage of immoral abuse aimed at its delegitimization. It appears that finally, we now witness the psychological toll from this abuse within the Israeli public, where Jews now threaten each other and accuse each other and demean each other, while their enemies stand at the sidelines, gloating and murmuring words of satisfaction and contentment.

As Jewish dissenters now proclaim with pride their independence from discipline, who now voice their sense of relief that they no longer need to contain their criticisms of the Jewish State, which, of course, they conceal by claiming it is only Israel’s leaders that concern them—nevertheless, it is the Jewish people that are maligned in the eyes of the non-Jewish world by the words and actions of those who now congratulate themselves because they have the so-called courage to speak out against Israel. Sadly, while professing courage, the fact is, that in today’s world, it takes more courage to defend Israel than to attack it.