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Keeper of the Seal

The right wing would come to call this the “Aesopian language” of Communists, which makes any communication with them impossible. To oppose it, one can only mimic it, professing to work for, e.g., arms agreement, but knowing that talk does no good with the Soviets: “The United States, with a military potential composed primarily of high effective technical weapons, should entertain no proposal for disarmament or limitation of armament as long as the possibility of Soviet aggression exists.”11

In order to cope with such a monster, we must adopt some of its loathsome traits:

Because the Soviet Union is a highly-centralized state, whose leaders exercise rigid discipline and control of all governmental functions, its government acts with speed, consistency, and boldness. Democratic governments are usually loosely organized, with a high degree of autonomy in government departments and agencies. The United States can not afford to be uncertain of its policies toward the Soviet Union. There must be such effective coordination within the government that our military and civil policies concerning the U.S.S.R., her satellites, and our allies are consistent and forceful.12

That last sentence gives the motive for the proposals Truman was soon sending to Congress—for uniting the military branches; for setting up the National Security Council, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the security clearance program. The President did not get everything Clifford recommended. Universal Military Training (UMT) should be adopted, according to the report: “In addition to increasing the efficiency of the armed forces, this program would have a salutary psychological effect upon Soviet ambitions.”13 What Clifford was calling for was the remobilization of America on a wartime basis only a year after the Second World War had ended. The report treats earlier calls for demobilization (and for racial integration in the services) as Communist propaganda:

One of the objectives of the American Communist Party is the subversion of the armed forces of the United States. Important activities in this connection were the recent soldier demonstrations relating to demobilization and the recent anti-caste agitation. 14

Even without UMT, Truman’s programs put America part-way back on a wartime footing. In war, the Constitution tends to be suspended in some of its operations. The CIA, secretly funded, contravenes Article I, Section 9 of the Constitution: “A regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time (i.e., with no period of time omitted).” Thenceforth, secretly reporting to a few congressional members would count as “publishing,” since the things a citizenry may not know grow inordinately in wartime. The security clearance procedure set up in 1947 surpassed anything of the sort in World War II, and the amount of material now “classified” means that ordinary citizens are disqualified from judging the actions of their superiors. As recently as last fall, Secretary of State Baker, testifying on the Gulf intervention, dismissed the misgivings even of experts because they did not have the highest clearance to read the latest cables. Democracy is wounded at its very center when only a “cleared” elite can discuss policy, not the body of the people at large.

In accordance with the war mentality adopted in 1947, the presidential title of “Commander in Chief” received a sudden and vast inflation. During last fall’s debate on the Gulf, member after member rose in Congress to say “we must support our Commander in Chief.” He is not their Commander in Chief. That short title is itself a distortion. The President is Commander in Chief of the armed forces in active service. The full constitutional title is this:

The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the United States (Article II, Section 2, italics added).

The President is not even Commander in Chief of the Militia except when two conditions are fulfilled. That is: he is not even the Commander in Chief of those in Congress who belong to the reserves—much less of those who have no military connection at all. It is a sign of our willingness to submit to wartime discipline in peace that the President is now widely considered to be the Commander in Chief of the American people. John Kennedy used the term that way, and so does Clark Clifford in his book. (He speaks, for instance, of civilian guests’ conduct toward “their Commander in Chief” while visiting Lyndon Johnson’s ranch.)

This is not a harmless locution—it can harden to a demand for military obedience, as when Alexander Haig, executing Richard Nixon’s “Saturday Night Massacre,” told Assistant Attorney General William Ruckelshaus: “Your Commander in Chief has given you an order. You have no alternative [but to obey].” Advocates of a presidential war-making power now rely on the Commander in Chief clause, confident that people feel the president has the power to commit the whole citizenry to following his lead. This is at the far end of a spectrum that has its quiet, almost folksy, other end in the treatment of Mrs. Tartiere. Mr. Clifford, in telling her that “one should not refuse a President” in the name of national security, was doing General Haig’s work in the modest way that eats gradually into citizen independence at all levels.

While continuing to use “national security” when it fits his own (or Mrs. Kennedy’s) convenience, Mr. Clifford tries to edge away from what he considers the abuses of the programs he helped set up. He thinks CIA covert activities have gone too far, though he admits he helped frame the “Aesopian language” in which the agency was empowered to undertake “such other functions and duties related to intelligence affecting the national security as the National Security Council may from time to time direct.”

The “other” functions the CIA was to perform were purposely not specified, but we understood [who is we?] that they would include covert activities. We did not mention them by name because we felt it would be injurious to our national interest to advertise the fact that we might engage in such activities.

Legislation cannot “advertise” (i.e., specify, admit) what it is up to. Can it be any surprise that accountability (the essence of republican self-government) is hard if not impossible to exact from those carrying out legislation whose very drafters refused to be accountable for what they were framing? Who was being kept in the dark here—potential enemies (who would not know their government was being overthrown, since that was just called “other duties”)? Or the legislators asked to pass the bill—would they not know they were buying a pig in a poke if the poke was baggy and shapeless enough? Or the citizenry (“Coo-coo-cachou Mrs. Tartiere”)? It is hard to know who is meant for exclusion in a system where secrecy becomes a goal in itself. All really important things are to be henceforth secret, and only really important people are to be given access to them. How can one be sure, with Mr. Clifford, that an instrument like the CIA was abused? To use it at all was to abuse the democratic process.

Mr. Clifford, though he has run many presidential errands over the years (e.g., to Glen Ora), only served briefly in two administrations, as counsel to the president in the Truman administration (for three and a half years) and as Lyndon Johnson’s secretary of defense (for a year). Clifford takes deserved credit for helping to pry loose Lyndon Johnson’s panicky clutch upon his very own war; but when he tries to give us the meaning of Vietnam, he does not live up to his reputation as a wise man. He thinks it was right to help an ally, but that the effort should have been cut off when it became clear that the gains (preservation of a rickety and corrupt regime, against a determined and resourceful foe) were not to be won with anything like proportionate expenditures of men and money. The larger historical view is entirely missing. The point of Vietnam was that the United States tried, for its own reasons, to continue a native regime tained by colonialism, when even the French had given up on this late outpost of colonialism. Clifford still thinks in terms of a bipolar world where the collapse of colonialism is an epiphenomenon of the cold war and not the largest geopolitical fact of the postwar world.

Apart from his relatively brief time on the government payroll, Clifford has earned his reputation as an informed adviser of presidents and a wealthy counselor to businessmen seeking something from Washington. For years he maintained the thin pretense that the latter role had nothing to do with the former. Much as he spoke for presidents, he would not speak to Washingtonians, impressed by his White House access, as anything but an informed observer of the government. He did a little recital for all who became his clients. It was repeated verbatim, over and over:

I do not consider that this [law] firm will have any influence of any kind here in Washington…. If you want influence, you should consider going elsewhere. What we can offer you is an extensive knowledge….

Who was supposed to be fooled by that little performance? Clifford’s briefcase may not really have contained tortures and places of exile, but was certainly stuffed with influence, formal and informal, direct and indirect. Others listened to Clifford because the President (any president) listened to him, and the man who escorted Mrs. Tartiere out of her house to the sounds of “Hail to the Chief” was certainly not shy about firing his own set of twenty-one guns when it helped him get his way. After all, he calls his own book Counsel to the President—a job he held, formally, for only three and a half of his eighty-five years. Obviously, he lets his glory time color everything else about his life.

Who was supposed to be deceived by his disclaimer of influence? Perhaps, as with the weasel words put into the CIA’s enabling legislature, Clifford was indulging in omnidirectional obfuscation. But the one person the speech seems to have ended up deceiving was Clifford himself. It was his influence that made bank regulators trust him so far in the recent scandal, where Clifford, unwittingly or not, served as front man for Arab money launderers. It is customary to wonder how Mr. Integrity could have ended up in the plight he clucks over, in his book, while describing Abe Fortas:

What had driven a man of such exceptional intelligence to bring himself down through such dubious financial arrangements? I would ask myself this question many times in the years that followed.

Now people are asking that question about Clifford. How could the wise counselor to others have given himself so little guidance? The customary thing is to say that this book would have been the final laurel wreath on Clifford’s triumph but for the banking scandal he is now caught up in.

But there was always something dubious about Clifford’s triumphs. The national security state is not the best gift to have left the citizenry of this country. Clifford served a presidency he helped to bloat—he swallowed his first misgivings about Vietnam after President Johnson ignored them, and loyally served a bad policy before, late in the game, ameliorating its worst aspects. The CIA as he helped conceive it was bound to go wrong. A man who either believed or cynically recited the astonishingly obfuscatory words about his advisory role over the years was acting on a personal mandate as slippery as the CIA’s first charter. It is dangerous, as Thucydides said, to uncouple words from things. One starts out fooling others, and ends up fooling oneself.

  1. 11

    Arthur Krock, Memoirs, p. 478 (italics added).

  2. 12

    Arthur Krock, Memoirs, p. 481.

  3. 13

    Arthur Krock, Memoirs, p. 479

  4. 14

    Arthur Krock, Memoirs, p. 475 (italics added). For concern about integration as a Communist theme, see Kennan’s Memoirs, p. 555, on Soviet penetration of “youth leagues, women’s organizations, racial societies….”

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