Happy Endings

We shall have to wait out what’s left of the twentieth century’s final decade before we know whether it will abide in the universal memory with a blessing or a curse. Even so, it must already be said for the Nineties that they at least began with singular promises of happy endings, especially in Central America.

Nicaragua’s civil war, such as it was, shut down with the electoral defeat of the Sandinistas and the inauguration of Violeta Chamorro’s conciliatory regime in January 1990. Two years later, El Salvador’s still formidable rebel guerrilla force agreed to cease further armed struggle in exchange for the Salvadoran government’s pledge to establish “the framework of the rule of law and the democratic system.”

To welcome happy endings is seldom to pulse with assurances of living-happily-ever-after; and that precaution applies in particular to Central America where the pleasant or unpleasant character of pretty much any ending appears to depend upon which of the two parties newly set upon peaceful competition happens to control the army and the police.

Nicaragua’s Chamorro began her presidency persuaded that her dreams of harmony would be safer if she retained the incumbent Sandinista army and police chiefs instead of assuming the possible risk of vengeful excess by replacing them with contras. The government of El Salvador was even more satisfied to preserve the army and police commanders who had defended it with occasional extremes of savagery against the guerrillas they would now be responsible for protecting.

What passes for peace in Nicaragua and El Salvador is describable precisely as more like an armistice than a concord. Violence and terror go on; and if political murders are not as incessant as of old, they are only too frequent and are hardly ever solved by left-wing cops in Nicaragua or rightwing cops in El Salvador.

Figures on the number of political murders in Nicaragua are far from exact; but by universal agreement former contras are distinctly more apt than Sandinistas to be victims. The scrupulously even-handed Americas Watch studied seventy-five contra deaths in 1993 and concluded that “less than half were attributable to current members of the [Sandinista] army and police.” When we speak of violent killers of civilians and decide that “less than half” were policemen and soldiers, we have scarcely dealt a good-conduct citation to the armed forces of Nicaragua.

Americas Watch further reports that “investigations into the deaths of former contras were characterized by negligence or cover-up 76 percent of the time” and one or the other “was present in all cases involving the army or police.” But then, whether the victim be contra or, less frequently, Sandinista, “impunity for violence remains the norm.”

And it appears to remain the norm in peace-restored El Salvador. Last month a study group commissioned by the Secretary-General of the United Nations filed a 104-page report detailing the power that successors of the pre-armistice “death squads” still exercise in the countryside in defiance of their government …

This article is available to online subscribers only.
Please choose from one of the options below to access this article:

Print Premium Subscription — $94.95

Purchase a print premium subscription (20 issues per year) and also receive online access to all all content on nybooks.com.

Online Subscription — $69.00

Purchase an Online Edition subscription and receive full access to all articles published by the Review since 1963.

If you already have one of these subscriptions, please be sure you are logged in to your nybooks.com account. If you subscribe to the print edition, you may also need to link your web site account to your print subscription. Click here to link your account services.