Janine di Giovanni is a 2019 Guggenheim Fellowship recipient, a senior fellow at Yale’s Jackson Institute for Global Affairs, and the author of The Morning They Came for Us: Dispatches from Syria (2016). (June 2019)

Follow Janine di Giovanni on Twitter: @janinedigi.


Lebanon: About to Blow?

Syrian children from Homs in Tripoli, Lebanon, October 2013
Lebanon is struggling to accommodate a large refugee population—500,000 Palestinians, many descended from those who fled the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, and nearly 1.5 million Syrians, a majority of them Sunni Muslims. Most of the Syrian refugees I met in Lebanon do not want to be there—or in Turkey, Jordan, Iraq, or Egypt. They are fleeing intense fighting, ethnic cleansing, starvation, chemical attacks, and Russian air strikes that devastated Aleppo and other rebel-held areas. It is clear that they are not welcome in Lebanon, where they are increasingly seen as disrupting the country’s delicate sectarian balance among Shia Muslims, Druze, and Christians and as vulnerable to Islamist radicalization.


Sierra Leone, 2000: A Case History in Successful Interventionism

A government soldier in Masiaka, a town about 40 miles east of Sierra Leone’s capital, Freetown, on the day the rebel leader Foday Sankoh was captured there, May 17, 2000

Sierra Leone was a rare case of the “Blair Doctrine” bearing fruit: an overseas military operation not for strategic or commercial interest, but for humanitarian purposes and in the name of an ethical foreign policy. Though the commander on the ground, Brigadier David Richards, never received official authorization from London for the project, within six weeks he and his men did the crucial groundwork of halting the rebel advances, restoring security to the capital, Freetown, and shoring up the Sierra Leone government and its army. A few months later, a major new UN peacekeeping deployment and a ceasefire led to the disarming of rebel groups and a swift end to a war that had lasted nearly eleven years and inflicted enormous human suffering.

Why Assad and Russia Target the White Helmets

A White Helmet member carrying a wounded girl after Russian airstrikes on Urum al-Kubra, a town west of Aleppo, Syria, November 6, 2016

The White Helmets’ financial backing is not the real reason why the pro-Assad camp is so bent on defaming them. Since 2015, the year the Russians began fighting in Syria, the White Helmets have been filming attacks on opposition-held areas with GoPro cameras affixed to their helmets. Syria and Russia have claimed they were attacking only terrorists, yet the White Helmets have captured footage of dead and injured women and children under the rubble. Putin’s bombers have targeted civilians, schools, hospitals, and medical facilities in opposition-held areas, a clear violation of international law. “This, above all, is what the Russians hated,” Ben Nimmo, a fellow at the Atlantic Council, told me. “That the White Helmets are filming war crimes.”